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It is the man of excellence who lives in essential servitude. Life has no savour for him unless he makes it consist in service to something transcendental. Hence he does not look upon the necessity of serving as an oppression. Ce seront, à Bruxelles, les panneaux du palais Stoclet, toujours inaccessibles, comme il se doit, au commun des mortels. L’interdit, certes, peut agacer. Par chance, Taschen nous permet de franchir le Rubicon.
He believes both the French state and the EU have a liberal socialist concept of the political, which makes them unable to distinguish between their friends and enemies given that the individualist, universalistic, and pluralist postulates of their ideology views the world in market and moralist terms, holding that only individualistic matters of ethics and economics are primary. (In traditional, organic civilizations it is the Holy that is primary.)A restoration of sovereignty would give the French state the freedom to restructure and rebuild itself.Globally, he proposes measures that would control the nation’s borders, re vitalize its national economy, improve its efficiency, reduce its costs, amputate its nomenclature, streamline its functions, and concentrate on the national interest, and not, like now, on the special interests. But there is nothing in the Programme that would mobilize the French themselves for the transition.
John Lennon (RSO Anthology) 1970 1980. Le matin l avec qui elle travaille aura offert son dernier livre (Ritournelle de la faim)à Sophia. De Monaco, rayonphoto, toute la journée je me coltine les clients acariâtres, impatients, furieux, ou simplement désagréables, nombreux sont ceux qui en savent plus que moi, ou essaient de s persuader..
It was on March 1, 1915, that « Britain and France announced that they intended to expand the objectives of the naval blockade of the Central Powers to include the interdiction of food, » Alexander Downes writes in Targeting Civilians in War. This declaration followed Germany’s, on February 4, signaling the start of submarine warfare, but merely exploited the Kaiser’s pronouncement as « an excellent pretext to interdict German food imports in a way that avoided offending neutral opinion, » Downes explains.Depicting the blockade as a response to German aggression deflected attention from British criminality. Ralph Raico writes that, « according to everyone’s interpretation of international law except Britain’s, » the expanded blockade « was illegal, » and Downes argues that « the reigning norms and laws of naval warfare codified in the Declaration of London, negotiated by the leading naval powers in 1908 9 » forbade it.